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## Post (member-written data)
```text
id: 01M4TR8QVXJD38GP7ANWB19N3A
title: Building Farcamp’s economy
author: os1pdzhqy
filed: 2026-10-13
replies: 0 public
```
link: https://opensystems.app/projects/farcamp/journal/01M4TR8QVXJD38GP7ANWB19N3A
project: https://opensystems.app/projects/farcamp?format=agent
journal: https://opensystems.app/projects/farcamp/journal?format=agent
author's posts: https://opensystems.app/forum/author?a=os1pdzhqya74udzs23jp6afcnvparuyl9ezrstgpf&format=agent

## Text (member-written data)
```text
This journal records Farcamp’s economic-modeling research: the experiments, failed assumptions and evidence behind its simulation. It keeps those investigations together; the visual laboratory and later features have their own entries. Results below describe the versions and conditions tested at the time. They do not certify every possible world.

## 1. Can three colonies survive through trade?

*First baseline · 3 October 2026 · model v1. Results below describe this version.*

A neighbouring colony should have a reason to need your grain. Perhaps its land cannot feed everyone, and its toolmakers earn the money that pays for imports. We have started building a small laboratory to explore that idea. It runs separately from Farcamp; the markets in the game have not changed yet.

The laboratory contains three colonies: a grain-growing settlement, a forest settlement and a settlement making tools and extracting salt. Goods are produced, sold, transported and consumed. Food can spoil on the journey. Money moves between accounts instead of appearing when a trade succeeds.

We keep totals for each kind of food rather than tracking every apple. The simulation calculates what changes between important moments—harvests, deliveries, market days and a household running out of food. Think of a calendar with appointments, rather than someone checking every cupboard every second. Tests check that looking more often does not change what happens.



Across 64 small variations in resource capacity, every colony retained at least 99.39% of its starting population after twenty model years. That is a useful starting point, but there are still temporary food deficits. It does not prove that arbitrary colonies will find an equilibrium.

For a second experiment, we restored the same saved start and increased Slate Hollow's population by 30% after two years. We added no food, money or fertile land. Over the full run, its grain imports rose from about 43.5 tonnes to 57.5 tonnes. Some of the extra population was lost. Tool output barely increased, so the model has exposed work still needed on how colonies expand exports to support more residents.



There is also a policy choice in this first model: public stores can provide minimum rations from food they already hold. Switching that off increased hunger in the forest settlement. The accounts currently simplify each colony into one producer and three household groups; proper ownership and investment still needed design work at this stage.

## 2. Can colonies expand production?

*Production planning · 3 October 2026 · model v2. This experiment preceded defence upkeep.*

A colony that needs imported food has to find something to sell. In our first economy experiment above, adding more people increased grain imports, but barely changed tool production. The next question was whether a colony could deliberately build the capacity to trade more.

We gave the simulated colonies a finite workforce to divide between farming, making goods, carrying shipments and construction. A carrier remains occupied on the return journey. Think of a shared work rota: the same available hands cannot fill every job at once.

The planner estimates food imports and potential export earnings, then weighs production opportunities against labour, materials and capacity. When it sees profitable foreign demand and a plausible return on the materials, it can expand an existing workshop. Timber and tools are consumed when construction starts; builders remain occupied for fourteen model days before the extra capacity becomes available.

To test that decision, we saved a world where Slate Hollow’s tool workshop could make only 0.6 tools per day. Then we ran the same start twice for three model years, changing only whether workshop investment was allowed.

| Slate Hollow after three model years | Fixed workshops | Expansion allowed |
|---|---:|---:|
| Tools produced | About 214 | About 620 |
| Workshop capacity | 0.6 tools/day | About 2.86 tools/day |



The expanding colony made nearly three times as many tools. But its food and survival outcomes were identical to the fixed-workshop run. We have demonstrated a production response; we have not demonstrated that expansion makes this colony better fed.



The broader baseline still passed its twenty-year check across 64 small variations in resource capacity: every colony retained at least 99.46% of its starting population. Temporary food shortages remain, and all those runs use the same three-colony network.

There are larger questions behind the encouraging production result. Each colony still has one public producer, rather than independently owned businesses. Prices follow bounded rules, and linked neighbours have current market information. The planner’s forecasts are estimates, not contracts.

That leaves a useful next test: when buyers have less money, supplies are uncertain or market reports are old, does building more still make sense?

## 3. Who pays for protection?

*Defence upkeep · 3 October 2026 · model v3. Attacks and wars remain deferred.*

Who protects a colony when there is no national army to call? The colony has to support its own defenders—and those people need food, equipment and time away from other work.

That cost was missing from Farcamp’s economy laboratory. We have now added it to the baseline, while keeping attacks and wars out of the experiment for the moment. This is still a standalone simulation, not a change to combat in the playable game.

The colony divides its finite workforce between civilian jobs and soldiers, wildlife watchers and equipment maintainers. Defenders remain part of the existing population, so their ordinary food needs are counted once. Service pay comes from the colony treasury and goes to households; it does not create money.

Caravans need protection too. Escorts come from the same soldiers who would otherwise be available at home, and remain away until the return journey ends. It is a shared work rota: sending someone down the road leaves one fewer person at home.

Weapons, armour and barriers are represented as pools of serviceable equipment. Maintaining them uses actual tool, timber and leather supplies. Military readiness depends on staffing, training and equipment; wildlife watchkeeping uses its own watchers and barriers. These are separate diagnostic measures, not yet predictions of who wins a fight.



In that comparison, Slate Hollow ended with about **2.19 people assigned to defence under moderate pressure, versus 3.94 under higher pressure**. Those totals include soldiers, watchers and maintainers. Cumulative tool use for defence rose from about **12.9 to 25.8**.



There was a useful wrinkle: total tool production rose rather than fell in this starting world. Spare labour meant the extra equipment demand could be met. A separate test with labour constrained confirmed the other side of the trade-off: reserving defenders reduced civilian production.

The moderate-defence baseline also survived the twenty-year check across 64 small capacity variations, with every colony retaining at least 99.43% of its initial population. Temporary shortages remain, and no attacks occur in these runs. We can measure the burden now; the benefit of protection still needs a threat model.


## 4. Why didn’t more production mean less hunger?

*Food-access investigation · 3 October 2026 · defence baseline with added accounting. Default policies remain unchanged.*

The three-year workshop result left a question: where did the extra tools and money go, if food security stayed the same? We added accounts for sales, household income, purchases and the timing of food shortages, then ran controlled comparisons from saved worlds.

The first bottleneck was surprisingly specific. In the ordinary defence baseline, Slate Hollow’s food deficits all fell between roughly model days 189 and 210. Public food was unavailable locally, but that did not mean the whole network had run out.

On day 203, Reedbank still held about 1,551 kg of public grain. Its reserve rule kept that stock off the market. Slate Hollow had money and spare transport capacity, but could not buy grain that was not offered. Its own harvest on day 210 ended the shortage, before the next grain delivery arrived.

We changed only Reedbank’s extra grain buffer—from 21 days to 7—in a comparison run. Slate Hollow’s missed calories over twenty model years fell from about **1.47 million to 1,717**, a reduction of more than 99%. Population loss was prevented in that run, though small food gaps remained. That is evidence about this seed, not a recommendation that every colony should keep smaller reserves.



Wider routes and an initial transfer of treasury money to households left the baseline deficit unchanged. Much faster travel made only a small difference. Prepositioning existing grain through a paid transfer helped substantially. Together with the trade records, these comparisons point to access to available food as the early constraint.



The longer workshop test revealed something the short one could not. We gave two otherwise identical defence-enabled worlds a small tool workshop, allowing expansion in one and holding capacity fixed in the other.

| Slate Hollow | Expansion allowed | Fixed workshop |
|---|---:|---:|
| Missed calories after 3 years | About 1.47 million | About 1.47 million |
| Tools exported after 20 years | About 2,941 | About 1,109 |
| Ordinary household income over 20 years | About 191,105 currency | About 101,967 currency |
| Missed calories after 20 years | About 1.47 million | About 13.42 million |

The extra tools were sold. Export receipts entered the producer treasury, which funds household income and imports. Later in the fixed-workshop run, trade records show food offered for sale but purchases limited by the colony’s import budget. Other supply constraints still occurred too.

The distinction matters: expansion did not solve the early reserve-policy shortage, but it did improve the longer outcome in this controlled case. These defence-enabled worlds are a new comparison, not a replacement for the earlier experiment. We have kept the original reserve setting while investigating how a colony should protect its own winter food without unnecessarily blocking its neighbours’ trade.

## 5. What must work before the world grows?

*Acceptance criteria · 3 October 2026.*

Before growing the laboratory into a network of thirty colonies, we agreed on eight gates. Survival alone is not enough: the accounts must balance, trade must matter, and failures must have an explanation.

| Gate | Evidence required |
|---|---|
| Accounting | Every change in food, materials and money reconciles with production, consumption, spoilage or transfers. |
| Time consistency | Frequent observation and saving/reloading produce the same outcome as advancing directly. |
| Ordinary viability | 100 predeclared viable seeds over 20 model years. After two settling years: no starvation deaths, and each household group receives at least 99% of its required calories every year. |
| Trade dependence | A colony needs imports funded by exports; disconnecting its route causes a shortage, and reconnection allows recovery. |
| Reserves | Adaptive reserves beat fixed policies across varied stocks, land and trade dependence without increasing hunger in exporting colonies. |
| Production response | Profitable demand prompts feasible expansion; labour, inputs, transport, defence and reduced demand constrain it. |
| Household access | Ownership, income and relief are explicit; physical shortage, inaccessible trade and unaffordable food are distinguishable. |
| Explainable failure | Unviable controls fail for the expected reason, with histories explaining constraints, responses and outcomes. Unexplained collapse or runaway accumulation is investigated. |

These are working acceptance criteria, not a declaration that the laboratory is finished. Impossible starting conditions should remain impossible. The first comparison against the reserve gate follows below; the full acceptance suite is still ahead. Disasters and wars remain deferred.

## 6. Keeping enough, offering the surplus

*Adaptive reserve experiment · 3 October 2026 · optional grain export policy in the Rust laboratory.*

A grain store has two jobs: feed its own residents and supply a neighbour. Keeping too much can block trade; selling too much can put the exporter in danger.

The new forecast estimates grain needed before replenishment, accounts for spoilage, and credits household grain only against that household’s needs. Grain already travelling toward the colony is counted at its arrival time. A hoped-for purchase is not counted. The safety margin increases when the expected harvest covers less of the colony’s annual needs, and seed grain is protected too.

An early version exposed a useful mistake: its expected harvest absorbed the safety margin, leaving one household in the exporting colony briefly hungry. The corrected version keeps that margin available before replenishment. A regression test now checks that case.

We compared three policies across 36 starting conditions: different initial grain stocks, fertile-land capacity, travel times and dependence on imports. Each condition ran for twenty model years under each policy—108 runs in total, all using the same three-colony topology and public relief rules.

| Total missed calories across the 36 conditions | Result |
|---|---:|
| Fixed 21-day extra buffer | About 12.14 million kcal |
| Fixed 7-day extra buffer | About 1.82 million kcal |
| Adaptive export reserves | About 2,146 kcal |

No individual colony had more missed calories under the corrected adaptive policy than under either fixed comparison. Adaptive runs had no starvation deaths. Small food gaps remain, so this is not a claim of perfect food security.





The adaptive option changes export reserves; it leaves purchasing and price targets unchanged. The fixed seven-day comparison changes the older shared target instead. These are policy comparisons, not an isolation of every price effect. Existing saves retain their old policy.

This supplies evidence for the reserve gate in the declared matrix. It does not meet the separate hundred-seed viability gate, which must measure each household’s annual food intake. Ownership and income rules also still need work before we call this a private market economy.

## 7. Who can afford the food?

*Ownership and household access · 3 October 2026 · optional aggregate ownership model. Viability has not passed.*

A full granary does not guarantee a meal. The next experiment separates the producer’s money from the households that buy its food, and asks who receives the income.

We still model one producer pool per colony, rather than every farm and workshop. Households now hold explicit ownership shares. Recorded farming, production and construction work earns wages; eligible cash surplus can be distributed to owners. Carriers receive freight income and defenders receive service pay. Owning more does not automatically make a household’s workers more skilled.

Relief has its own account. It starts with a transfer of existing producer money and receives the existing household savings levy. When a household needs help, that account buys food from the producer. It cannot take private stock for free or spend money it does not have.

Think of three purses: the producer, the households and the relief fund. Every payment leaves one purse and enters another. Tests reconcile all three, check ownership distributions, and verify that saving or observing more often does not change the outcome. Existing saved experiments retain their earlier public-producer rules.

We restored the same starting world with two ownership patterns: all equity held by the owner household group, or shares split 60/30/10 across the three groups. The same wage, relief and reserve rules apply to both.



The result is a failed viability test. Under both patterns, households suffer food shortages while food remains in producer stores. Shared ownership delays the first shortages in this case, but does not solve the long-term problem. Both worlds suffer severe population loss over twenty model years.

The new model can distinguish food absent from the network, food outside the local market, and local food that an empty household cannot afford. These are current conditions, not a claim that one label explains a whole economic history.

The ownership and access definitions now have a tested implementation, satisfying that gate at this aggregate scale. But the viability gate remains open. Fixed wages, employment demand, food prices and retained producer cash need to work together before this becomes a usable baseline. We have not fixed that by adding unlimited relief or making these rules the default.

This is not evidence that one real-world ownership system is better than another: the laboratory still has one producer per colony, fixed wage coefficients and bounded price rules. It has exposed the next problem we must solve before scaling.

## 8. When a full store has too few customers

*Income and price formation · 3 October 2026 · controlled experiments, not a calibrated economy.*

The previous experiment left food in the stores while families went hungry. Simply paying higher fixed wages helped for three years, but that apparent fix failed when we ran it for twenty. Lowering the producer’s cash reserve alone did not solve the short experiment either.

We tried two separate changes. First, the grain seller considers how much households can actually buy, using their money and the food missing from their pantries. Its quote adjusts gradually. A household’s hunger is not automatically a funded order.

Second, workers can receive a stated share of earned cash surplus after base wages and the operating reserve. This is a configurable surplus-sharing rule, not a claim that wages now negotiate themselves. Every payment comes from existing producer cash; nothing creates food or money.

The controlled comparison keeps the same starting resources and ownership. Sharing alone still fails badly. Responsive grain pricing alone removes most of the food deficit but leaves some shortages. Together, with the existing finite relief fund, they keep all 170 residents fed through twenty model years. Both the 50% and 80% sharing cases do so; this does not establish an ideal percentage.



There is an important qualification: switching relief spending off brings back about 5.3 million missed calories, even though nobody dies. That is why our acceptance test measures what each household eats each year, rather than merely counting survivors at the end.

The new rules remain optional. The price experiment covers a local grain quote, not a complete auction across food types and export buyers. We still need to account properly for wage costs in production choices and test a predeclared range of viable worlds. These experiments helped us construct the candidate; they cannot also serve as independent proof of it.

The next step is annual household food accounting, then the hundred-seed, twenty-year viability test. The gate stays open until that evidence exists.

## 9. A hundred worlds, measured meal by meal

*Annual household viability · 3 October 2026 · the declared reference-family gate passes.*

Keeping the population alive is not enough. A colony could survive while one group goes hungry every winter. We now measure the food each household group actually eats against the calories its living population requires throughout each year. Buying food does not count as eating it, and spoiled food does not count at all.

Before running the experiment, we fixed the conditions: one hundred previously unused seeds, twenty model years, unchanged economic policies, and the existing three complementary colonies with small variations in their productive capacity. The first two years are recorded as settling time. Every later household-year must receive at least 99% of its food requirement, with no starvation deaths.

All one hundred worlds pass. Across 16,200 scored household-years, food coverage is 100% and there are no starvation deaths. The worlds retain the same finite relief fund and worker-sharing policy as the candidate from the previous section.



The controls matter too. Removing trade makes households hungry and causes deaths. Cutting grain and meat production capacity to 5% is worse. The model does not refill stores or invent money to rescue those worlds.

This passes our ordinary-viability gate for the declared reference family. It is deliberately a limited claim: three familiar trading partners, known routes and modest capacity variation. It does not prove that thirty procedurally generated colonies, different institutions or incomplete knowledge will work. Those remain ahead of us.

Next we need the full trade-dependence proof: show an importer earning its food through exports, losing access when its route closes, and recovering when that route reopens. The other acceptance gates remain on the checklist.

## 10. Reopening trade does not undo the damage

*Trade dependence and recovery · 3 October 2026 · the basic behavior works; an extra recovery deadline fails.*

Slate Hollow cannot grow enough food for its residents. In the connected world, it earns about 72,437 currency through exports over twenty model years. That covers all its imports and freight. Food imports alone cost about 41,912, far more than the 14,400 held across its producer, households and relief fund at the start. Trade is doing real work here.

We restored the same starting world three times. One stays connected. In the others, Slate loses its routes after year three; one remains isolated, while the other regains its original routes after year five. Cargo already travelling finishes its journey. Reopening adds no money, food or people.



The connected colony stays fed with forty residents. Both interrupted cases suffer shortages during the closure. Permanent isolation leaves fewer than one aggregate resident by year twenty. Reopening restores stable food access, but only about twenty-five residents survive. Reedbank and Pine Rest stay fully fed in all three cases.

I had set an additional target of full recovery by year seven. That target fails: Slate is fully fed without further deaths from year eight onward. The failed target stays in the saved protocol and results. The underlying acceptance criterion asks whether reconnection permits recovery, without setting a deadline; this experiment demonstrates that behavior, not rapid recovery.

The delay has a traceable cause. Slate loses its seed grain and misses a harvest. Later, suppliers have no exportable food surplus during another seasonal shortage, even though Slate has money and transport available. Restored routes cannot instantly replace a missed growing season.

The trade-dependence gate is now demonstrated in this reference world. Accounting across the full suite, time consistency, production response and long-run failure explanations still need their remaining proofs before we scale.

## 11. The accounts balance; the replay still needs work

*Accounting and time consistency · 3 October 2026 · one gate passes, one stays open.*

Before making the world larger, we checked whether looking at it more often—or saving and coming back—changes what happens. This is essential for an economy that advances through elapsed-time calculations instead of simulating every moment.

We replayed 227 saved cases for twenty model years each. The suite includes the viable reference colonies, the full reserve comparison, different income and ownership rules, and deliberately struggling or disconnected economies. Some cases share a starting world because they test different studies; these are not 227 independent worlds.

Each case runs directly to the end, under frequent irregular observations, and with repeated saves and reloads between events. We compare the entire saved state and event history, and reconcile the accounts throughout the frequent runs.



**The accounting gate passes.** Goods, money, household income and spending, producer receipts, relief payments and food intake all reconcile within the agreed tolerance. Even the largest residual is below two millionths. The struggling colonies are not secretly losing money or food outside the recorded flows.

**The time-consistency gate does not pass yet.** Eleven cases expose three problems:

- Seven histories round the same near-boundary quantity differently: a harvest can read as 1003 or 1004, for example.
- One disconnected case differs by about 0.00005 calories in its accumulated relief counter. That is tiny, but exceeds the strict tolerance we chose; we have kept the failure rather than relaxing the check.
- Three cases reject an intermediate save because spending the last of a relief fund leaves a balance around minus one quadrillionth. The final balance is valid again, which is why checking only the end missed it.

A rejected reload remains a failure. The diagnostic runner continues from its existing in-memory state to collect further evidence; it does not pretend that reload succeeded.

No economic rules or parameters changed in this study. Forty-eight ordinary regression tests and the strict Rust checks pass, while the new acceptance runner deliberately reports its eleven failures. The saved report and inputs make those failures repeatable.

We now have five of the eight gates demonstrated within their stated scopes. Next comes repairing time consistency, followed by the remaining production-response and explainable-failure proofs. Scaling still waits.

## 12. Ready for a larger experiment—with a clearer boundary

*Final small-world acceptance checks · 3 October 2026.*

The eight agreed gates now have passing evidence within their stated scopes. We can begin the next research stage: procedurally generated colonies and incomplete knowledge of trade routes. This is not a claim that the economy is ready to connect to the playable game, or that its institutions guarantee permanent prosperity.

First, we repaired the replay failures from the previous section. Relief payments cannot exceed available cash by a rounding error. History formatting no longer changes at near-identical rounding boundaries. Responsive grain quotes use a one-billionth currency tick, which stops tiny price differences feeding back into later purchases and relief. The comparison tolerance stayed unchanged.

We then added the production scenarios to the replay suite. **All 235 cases now pass accounting, full-state comparison, complete history comparison and repeated save/reload checks.** The original failed report remains available.

### Growth has to pay for its workers

The production checks found a real omission: expansion counted material costs but ignored operating and construction wages. A workshop could look profitable even when paying its workers would cost more than its sales. The planner now includes those costs.



Over twenty years, the profitable workshop produces about 2,060 tools, compared with 1,436 when expansion is disabled. It makes five investment decisions and stops after day 84. High wages, missing timber, unavailable transport and limited labour block expansion. Defence reduces civilian output. Removing buyers during the expansion period stops new builds while existing commitments finish.

All eight scenarios respect the available workforce and conserve money and goods. We also reran the 100-seed annual food test, the connected/closed/reopened trade experiment and all 108 reserve comparisons. Their agreed checks still pass. Trade recovery still misses the additional year-seven deadline and stabilizes from year eight.

### A longer run exposes unequal access

We also extended three reference worlds to two hundred years. Physical inventories remain bounded and workshop capacity stops growing. But the extra attempt to extend the twenty-year no-starvation guarantee to two hundred years **fails in all three worlds**.



In seed 1001, Pine Rest ends with about 55,996 of the world's 61,200 currency units. Reedbank holds about 5,077, and Slate Hollow about 127. The recorded exports, imports and freight payments reconcile those changes. Slate eventually exhausts its relief fund, suffers both missing local food and food it cannot afford, and loses about six of its original forty residents.

We tested a simple food-import cap as a possible correction. It made outcomes worse and was reverted; that failed experiment stays in the evidence. Treating one colony's spending in isolation misses the income it provides elsewhere.

This distinction matters for the checklist. The agreed ordinary-viability gate specifies twenty years. The failure-investigation gate asks us to explain shortages, responses and outcomes, and investigate runaway accumulation. It does not require every household to prosper indefinitely. The longer stress target remains explicitly failed; it was not turned green by changing its threshold. Histories now also record starvation losses, so the consequences are visible alongside warnings and attempted responses.

Fifty regression tests and the strict Rust checks pass. The next step is a controlled thirty-colony experiment with its own declared viable and unviable starting conditions. Accounting, replay and failure explanations carry forward; the longer-run distribution problem must remain visible. Wars, disasters and game integration still wait for the scaled ordinary baseline.

## 13. Thirty colonies, and a surprise about trade

*Controlled network experiment · 3 October 2026 · twenty simulated years, ten paired world seeds.*

Finding another trading partner should open possibilities. But our first larger experiment shows why we cannot assume that more connections make every colony better off.

We built thirty colonies in ten districts: grain growers and clothing makers, hunters and timber suppliers, and toolmakers with salt deposits. Sizes and capacities vary by seed. Each colony starts with local contacts; a paired version of the same world also knows the other nearby trade paths. These are controlled research worlds, not the game's future valley map.

Nine of ten worlds with local contacts met the food target. None of the ten with expanded contacts did. The target stayed the same: every household group gets at least 99% of its required calories each year after the settling period, with no starvation deaths. Disconnecting trade also failed, as expected.



One trace makes the problem tangible. A toolmaking colony needed about 1,231 units of grain. Its supplier had more than 9,000 available, with room on the route and enough carriers, but the buyer could afford only about 356. That identifies a purchasing-power constraint at that moment. It does not yet explain every failure: competition between exporters, purchasing choices and seasonal supplies need separate tests.

The foundations for market knowledge are also in place. Establishing contact reveals that connection, not all of a partner's neighbors. A visit records prices and stock with a date; opening the report later does not magically refresh it. Trade decisions still use current information along established links, so autonomous merchants acting on old reports remain future work.

The engineering checks pass: goods and money reconcile, all three tested thirty-colony variants replay consistently through intermediate saves, and all 235 earlier accounting/replay cases still pass. The enlarged worlds exposed a tiny rounding accumulation in calorie reports, which we fixed without changing economic decisions or relaxing the tolerance.

The economic result remains a failure against our declared target. Next we need to understand why broader competition leaves some colonies unable to buy food. The earlier long-run cash-concentration problem remains open too; disasters and live-game integration still wait.

## 14. Losing customers, and relief that could not reach them

*Trade-access investigation · 3 October 2026 · paired thirty-colony experiments; the survival target is unchanged.*

A town that lives by selling tools needs customers as surely as a farming town needs land. In one of our earlier test worlds, opening more trade connections cut a toolmaking town's export income from about 61,050 to 45,694 over twenty years. Nearby grain did not help when the town could no longer afford enough of it.

We separated the new connections into food trade and non-food trade, then tried shorter journeys, larger cargo allowances and no imported meat. The final model's result is striking: extra food connections meet the survival target in all ten worlds; extra non-food connections meet it in only one. Faster travel and more cargo do not solve the problem across the whole group. Removing meat imports makes things worse.



We also found a missing route for help. Relief funds could buy food from their own town's store, but could not import it. One struggling town had about 2,330 set aside for relief while its trading treasury was down to 384. The new optional policy lets those existing funds purchase emergency food abroad. It must still find a seller, pay for cargo space and wait for arrival; households receive the paid food without being charged again.

Relief imports alone pass four of ten worlds. Combining them with prices informed by actual sales passes six. That is progress, but it leaves four failures. Both policies remain experiments; neither is a claim that the economy is now sustainable.

The investigation also caught an artificial source of winners and losers: tiny arithmetic differences could reorder essentially equal offers. New generated worlds now compare prices at an explicit currency precision and rotate priority among ties. Food depletion is evaluated from the last actual pantry change, so watching the simulation more often does not repeatedly round it into a different history. Strict replay checks pass, along with 59 tests and all 235 earlier accounting/replay cases. Old snapshots preserve their previous clearing mode. An additional replay pattern still exposes a very small difference in accumulated relief totals for the optional sales-pricing combination. That stricter check remains marked failed, and the policy remains disabled by default.

A visual laboratory followed this investigation. Its development is covered separately in [Watching the economy come alive](https://opensystems.app/projects/01M3B70Q318G1G8N0NSV63ME5X/journal/01M42FW6AAVCFG6676VHPN8QM5); the remaining survival failures still needed explaining.

## 15. What does an iron tool really cost?

*Iron, fuel and fishing · 3 October 2026 · sixty paired runs, thirty colonies per world.*

A toolmaking town now needs more than a workshop and some wood. In the new research model, miners supply ore, charcoal burners consume timber, and metalworkers turn iron into tools and weapons. Those jobs share workers and supplies with farming, transport and defense. Copper and tin can wait; we are starting with iron.

Fishing adds another food source, but a fresh catch spoils quickly. Preserving it uses salt, firewood, tools and labor. Some calories are lost in the process; the remaining food lasts much longer. Forests and fish replenish within limits, while an ore deposit can run out. These remain aggregate stocks, not thousands of individually simulated trees or fish.



The chains have consequences. With local contacts, worlds produce about 7,598 tools on average over twenty years. Turn off charcoal production, keeping the same starting supplies, and that falls to about 163. Starting stocks carry the system briefly, then the missing fuel matters.

The uncomfortable result is that none of the new-chain worlds meets our survival target. Household fuel demand is mostly unmet, too. Turning off preservation actually improves tool production and reduces starvation losses in these trials. That does not tell us that preservation is a bad idea. It tells us to investigate which resources, workers or purchasing power this version diverts, and whether its assumed capacities and costs make sense.

All sixty runs balance goods, money, calories and resource accounts. The code passes 72 tests, including twenty-year comparisons that repeatedly inspect and save two thirty-colony worlds without changing their final state. Those checks establish consistency, not a healthy economy. The new model stays optional while we investigate; its rates are provisional, and insufficient heating does not yet cause cold-related deaths.

## 16. The other half of a living economy

*Population renewal · 3 October 2026 · twelve paired century-long experiments.*

Until now, our simulated colonies could lose people but never welcome a new generation. A shrinking population was therefore only half a story. Deaths are part of the world we want to model; the missing part was new life.

The research economy now includes births, children becoming adults, and ordinary mortality alongside starvation. Children need food before they can work. Each income group tracks aggregate age cohorts, so a newborn does not immediately become another miner or farmer. Nutrition affects the birth rate, but there is no rule pushing a colony back toward a preferred population.



With industrial chains and renewal enabled, the worlds grow from about 1,692 people to 2,943 over a century. Their population rises and later contracts. In the final reporting year, the average is about 73 births, 52 ordinary deaths and 31 starvation deaths. The same starting worlds without renewal end near 1,464 people.

That is a different question from “can we prevent every death?” We can now ask where new demand develops, how many people can work, which towns grow, and what brings expansion to an end. The earlier no-starvation experiments remain recorded under their original criteria; they are not a requirement that every future colony prosper forever.

All twelve runs reconcile population, goods, money and calorie accounts. The longer horizon exposed a small rounding error in the old goods counters; more accurate accumulation fixed it without changing the economic rules or relaxing the tolerance. Eighty tests pass, including saving and inspecting a world repeatedly without changing its history.

The rates are still assumptions to investigate. Migration is not present, and these curves do not prove equilibrium. Next comes the shared item catalogue: making the game's goods part of regional production and trade, with new items registered automatically rather than forgotten in a second list.

## 17. A backpack belongs in the economy too

A trade route becomes more interesting when it carries things you recognise from
your own camp: leather cord, a stone knife, a woven backpack. We have now connected
74 named game goods to the economy laboratory's production and trade systems.

The catalogue is a list of possibilities, not a warehouse. Registering a new item
puts nothing on a colony's shelves. Local deposits, workshop inputs, available
workers and actual imports determine what gets there. Several kinds of knife
share a need for cutting tools rather than multiplying that need each time we
add another blade.

We also gave item authors a repeatable routine. Existing recipes and equipment
definitions supply their details; a small market policy supplies their economic
role. A command builds the catalogue, and validation catches missing entries or
outdated generated data. It does not need an AI making decisions while you play.

In three fixed seeds, district contacts brought 53 of the 74 goods into production
and 47 into trade over twenty model years. Expanding those contacts raised the
ranges to 65–66 produced and 58–60 traded. Availability remained uneven: fourteen
to seventeen goods were absent from every market at the en
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cut at 40000 of 59508 characters; the page has the rest: https://opensystems.app/projects/farcamp/journal/01M4TR8QVXJD38GP7ANWB19N3A
pictures (fetch the links; they are images):
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